第53章
- The Crisis Papers
- Thomas Paine
- 4928字
- 2016-03-09 14:12:16
We are not now fighting our battles alone, as we were in 1776;England, from a malicious disposition to America, has not only not declared war against France and Spain, but, the better to prosecute her passions here, has afforded those powers no military object, and avoids them, to distress us.She will suffer her West India islands to be overrun by France, and her southern settlements to be taken by Spain, rather than quit the object that gratifies her revenge.This conduct, on the part of Britain, has pointed out the propriety of France sending a naval and land force to co-operate with America on the spot.Their arrival cannot be very distant, nor the ravages of the enemy long.The recruiting the army, and procuring the supplies, are the two things most necessary to be accomplished, and a capture of either of the enemy's divisions will restore to America peace and plenty.
At a crisis, big, like the present, with expectation and events, the whole country is called to unanimity and exertion.Not an ability ought now to sleep, that can produce but a mite to the general good, nor even a whisper to pass that militates against it.The necessity of the case, and the importance of the consequences, admit no delay from a friend, no apology from an enemy.To spare now, would be the height of extravagance, and to consult present ease, would be to sacrifice it perhaps forever.
America, rich in patriotism and produce, can want neither men nor supplies, when a serious necessity calls them forth.The slow operation of taxes, owing to the extensiveness of collection, and their depreciated value before they arrived in the treasury, have, in many instances, thrown a burden upon government, which has been artfully interpreted by the enemy into a general decline throughout the country.Yet this, inconvenient as it may at first appear, is not only remediable, but may be turned to an immediate advantage;for it makes no real difference, whether a certain number of men, or company of militia (and in this country every man is a militia-man), are directed by law to send a recruit at their own expense, or whether a tax is laid on them for that purpose, and the man hired by government afterwards.The first, if there is any difference, is both cheapest and best, because it saves the expense which would attend collecting it as a tax, and brings the man sooner into the field than the modes of recruiting formerly used; and, on this principle, a law has been passed in this state, for recruiting two men from each company of militia, which will add upwards of a thousand to the force of the country.
But the flame which has broken forth in this city since the report from New York, of the loss of Charleston, not only does honor to the place, but, like the blaze of 1776, will kindle into action the scattered sparks throughout America.The valor of a country may be learned by the bravery of its soldiery, and the general cast of its inhabitants, but confidence of success is best discovered by the active measures pursued by men of property; and when the spirit of enterprise becomes so universal as to act at once on all ranks of men, a war may then, and not till then, be styled truly popular.
In 1776, the ardor of the enterprising part was considerably checked by the real revolt of some, and the coolness of others.But in the present case, there is a firmness in the substance and property of the country to the public cause.An association has been entered into by the merchants, tradesmen, and principal inhabitants of the city [Philadelphia], to receive and support the new state money at the value of gold and silver; a measure which, while it does them honor, will likewise contribute to their interest, by rendering the operations of the campaign convenient and effectual.
Nor has the spirit of exertion stopped here.A voluntary subscription is likewise begun, to raise a fund of hard money, to be given as bounties, to fill up the full quota of the Pennsylvania line.
It has been the remark of the enemy, that every thing in America has been done by the force of government; but when she sees individuals throwing in their voluntary aid, and facilitating the public measures in concert with the established powers of the country, it will convince her that the cause of America stands not on the will of a few but on the broad foundation of property and popularity.
Thus aided and thus supported, disaffection will decline, and the withered head of tyranny expire in America.The ravages of the enemy will be short and limited, and like all their former ones, will produce a victory over themselves.
COMMON SENSE.PHILADELPHIA, June 9, 1780.
P.S.At the time of writing this number of the Crisis, the loss of Charleston, though believed by some, was more confidently disbelieved by others.But there ought to be no longer a doubt upon the matter.Charleston is gone, and I believe for the want of a sufficient supply of provisions.The man that does not now feel for the honor of the best and noblest cause that ever a country engaged in, and exert himself accordingly, is no longer worthy of a peaceable residence among a people determined to be free.C.S.On The Subject Of Taxation - Thomas Paine On The Subject Of Taxation THE CRISIS EXTRAORDINARY ON THE SUBJECT OF TAXATION.
IT IS impossible to sit down and think seriously on the affairs of America, but the original principles upon which she resisted, and the glow and ardor which they inspired, will occur like the undefaced remembrance of a lovely scene.To trace over in imagination the purity of the cause, the voluntary sacrifices that were made to support it, and all the various turnings of the war in its defence, is at once both paying and receiving respect.The principles deserve to be remembered, and to remember them rightly is repossessing them.In this indulgence of generous recollection, we become gainers by what we seem to give, and the more we bestow the richer we become.